Parental Involvement & Lynn: Is it Apathy, Barriers or are Parents Simply Involved in Less Visible Ways?

The seeming lack of parental involvement by Lynn public school parents has been decried by many particularly in light of the poor physical condition of a significant number of the city's schools as well as sub par standardized test scores. The reason for this is also likely due to research and reports which indicate that parental involvement has been associated with positive academic outcomes including less grade retention, better attendance, higher grade point averages, increased achievement in reading, writing and math and lower dropout rates (LaRocque, Kleiman, & Darling, 2011; Anderson & Minke, 2007). In the literature, family involvement is defined as the parents' or caregivers' investment in the education of their child(ren) (LaRocque, Kleiman, & Darling, 2011). Much of this research is school centric or school-based as it examines how parents are engaged in activities  that are designed by the school and includes behaviors like serving as classroom assistants, visiting a child's classroom or being on a school council (Jackson & Remillard, 2005). Many Lynn residents seem to hold a similar view of what constitutes parental involvement. Therefore, in the context of poor parental attendance at events like school committee meetings or debates as well as an absence of PTO organizations at many Lynn public schools, it seems apt to label public school parents in  the city as generally "uninvolved."  Jackson and Remillard (2005) also concluded that parents whose activities are not visible to the school are often classified as minimally involved.

               

There are, however, several key barriers or factors that may contribute to what appears to be a lack of parental involvement particularly relevant to a discussion of the current climate in Lynn. Anderson and Minke (2007) found that parents make an initial decision to become involved according to their beliefs (role construction, sense of efficacy) and general opportunities and demands for involvement from the school and their children. Role construction refers to parents’ ideas about what they should do in relation to their child’s schooling; parents with a high role construction tend to also exhibit a high level of involvement (Anderson & Minke, 2007). Efficacy is the belief that their involvement in their child’s schooling will positively effect their learning and success (scale items include “I know how to help my child do well in school” and "I  feel successful about my efforts to help my child learn") (Anderson & Minke, 2007). Finally, general opportunities include generic invitations from the school and child (Anderson & Minke, 2007). Reed, Jones, Walker and Hoover-Dempsey (2000) found that role construction, efficacy and perceptions of teacher invitations accounted for much of the variance in parent involvement behaviors with specific teacher invitations showing the strongest relationship with parents' involvement behaviors.

Most salient for this discussion is probably the concept of 'role construction.' Though many parents are deemed uninvolved or uninterested based on school related activities, Jackson and Remillard (2005) stated that it is important to highlight the number of ways in which parents help their children. One avenue is indeed 'involvement in the school' by having an active presence in the school by volunteering or attending school functions. Some parents, however, are involved in their child's education in other, less visible ways. Other parent involvement concepts include 'involvement in schooling' which refers to assisting with homework or communicating with a teacher when difficulties arise as well as 'involvement in learning' or that way in which parents structure, foster, and support a child's learning in a variety of contexts (Jackson & Remillard, 2005). While some parents exhibit parental involvement behaviors in all three categories, other parents may be "involved" more heavily in only one or two categories. Anderson and Minke (2007) found that schools may potentially be underestimating parental involvement by only including activities that occur at school as most of the study’s respondents reported more involvement at home; Overstreet, Devine, Bevans and Efreom (2005) found that African American parents have greater involvement in home based activities. Furthermore,  lower resourced families may respond differently to calls for increased parental involvement than families with more resources (Anderson & Minke, 2007). Thus, a parent who does not have an active presence at a school (or committee meeting) is not necessarily apathetic; it may simply be that his or her role construction falls more so under the latter two categories which are more home-based in nature and do not fit into traditionally accepted behaviors associated with parent involvement (Jackson & Remillard, 2005).

                 
It is also important to note that parent choices regarding involvement in their child's education are often constrained by their employment (job schedule) as well as competing demands (childcare, competing activities) that limit one’s time and energy (Anderson & Minke, 2007). Low income parents may work hourly jobs that do not allow them to participate in the way that people with stable salaried employment can (LaRocque, Kleiman, & Darling, 2011). Additional consideration must be made of the barriers or challenges to school-based parental involvement faced by increasing number of non-English speaking parents or guardians. The Lynn public school system is currently 53.6% First Language not English and 19.6% Limited English Proficiency. Turney and Kao (2009) found that foreign born Hispanic and Asian parents were 5.5 and 9.7 times, respectively, to report language as a barrier to involvement at their children's schools. This study also found that parents who had limited English proficiency were more likely to report meeting time inconvenience and not feeling welcome (Turney & Kao, 2009). Time spent in the United States and increased English language ability was, however, positively associated with increased parental involvement (Turney & Kao, 2009; LaRocque, Kleiman, & Darling, 2011). Other factors include feeling welcome or invited, the importance for parents of their own negative school experiences and trust which was found to be an essential element in family-school relationships (Anderson & Minke, 2007; Raty, 2002; Adams & Christenson, 2000).

                 

From this, it becomes more clear that a lack of visible parental involvement in Lynn as well as other districts is a complex issue resulting from a variety of factors. To answer the question posed in the title of this piece, the situation in Lynn is likely a combination of all three factors. While some parents may be apathetic, others are experiencing a language barrier that prevents them from being involved at the school and/or are involved in more home-based activities.  There is also the potential for some parents to be apathetic in certain scenarios and become an active presence in others. Additional consideration must be made of the way in which the school or school system's characteristics, beliefs and educational approach may either facilitate or hinder increased parental involvement (Feuerstein, 2000). Koonce and Harper (2005) found that the thoughts or opinions of parents who were unable to participate in school activities were often dismissed because these parents were viewed as not "actively" involved in their child's education; dismissal of their insights tended to alienate these parents resulting in a withdrawal from the parental advocacy role. Finally, whether one agrees or disagrees, there could be a large number of Lynn public school parents who are generally satisfied with their child(ren)'s education and therefore do not see a reason to get involved at the school or district level. Thus, because a parent is not present at a school committee meeting or speaking out about a school-related issue, does not necessarily mean that he or she are uninvolved. It is important to understand the multiple ways in which parents choose to be engaged in their child's education given their particular circumstances and encourage 'involvement' in whatever way is possible for the family. While actively seeking to increase parental involvement and address language barriers is essential, there are many behaviors that deserve inclusion and recognition by schools and school systems under the umbrella of 'parental involvement' in the interest of cultivating strong school-family relationships which undoubtedly will result in the aforementioned positive academic outcomes.

Citations:
*Adams, K.S. & Christenson, S.L.(2000). Trust and the family school relationship: Examination of parent teacher differences in elementary and secondary grades. Journal of School Psychology, 38, 477-497.
*Anderson, K.J. & Minke, K.M. (2007). Parent involvement in education: Towards an understanding of parents' decision making. Journal of Educational Research, 100:5, 311-323. 
*Feuerstein, A. (2000). School characteristics and parent involvement: Influences on participation in children's school. The Journal of Educational Research, 94:1, 29-40. 
*Jackson, K. & Remillard, J. (2005). Rethinking parent involvement: African American mothers construct their roles in the mathematics education of their children. School Community Journal, 15:1, 51-73. 
*Koonce, D.A. & Harper, W. Jr. (2005). Engaging African American parents in the schools: A community-based consultation model. Journal of Educational and Psychological Consultation, 16(1-2): 55-74.
*LaRocque, M., Kleiman, I. & Darling, S.M. (2011). Parental involvement: The missing link in school achievement. Preventing School Failure: Alternative Education for Children and Youth, 55:3, 115-122.
*Overstreet, S., Devine, J., Bevans, K., & Efreom, Y. (2005). Predicting parental involvement in children's schooling within an economically disadvantaged African American sample. Psychology in Schools, 42, 101-111.
*Raty, H. (2002). The significance of parents' evaluations of their own school for their educational attitudes. School Psychology of Education, 6(1), 43-60.
*Reed, R.P., Jones, K.P, Walker, J.M. & Hoover-Dempsey, K.V. (2000). Parents' motivation for involvement in children's education: Testing a theoretical model. Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Educational Research Association, New Orleans, LA.
*Turney, K. & Kao, G. (2009). Barriers to school involvement: are immigrant parents disadvantaged? The Journal of Educational Research, 1002:4, 257-271.

American Indians/Alaska Natives & Mental Health: Some Facts

This post about mental health issues related to American Indians and Alaskan Natives was precipitated by the 20/20 special called Hidden America: Children of the Plains which was hosted by Diane Sawyer (see here). During the program, Sawyer explored the multitude of issues that children of the Oglala Lakota  Sioux tribal nation living on the Pine Ridge Reservation in South Dakota face including extreme poverty and alcoholism. According to some estimates, unemployment on the Pine Ridge Reservation ranges from 83-85% and can be higher during the winter months when it is difficult to travel. As a result, the median income on the Reservation is $2,600 to $3,500 per year and approximately 97% of the population lives below federal poverty lines. The nearest town that could potentially offer employment for those with the ability to travel is Rapid City, South Dakota, which is 120 miles away from the Reservation. Likely due to the lack of opportunity, many on the Pine Ridge Reservation either turn to alcohol or become severely depressed and/or suicidal. On this Reservation alone, alcoholism affects 8 out of 10 families; the death rate from alcohol-related problems is 300% higher than the remaining population. Rampant medical problems among the population including high rates of diabetes, heart disease, and cancer in addition to substance abuse and poor nutrition have resulted in a life expectancy of 48 years for men and 52 years for women (compared to 77.5 years for the US population as a whole).

Because of the serious social and economic difficulties they face, Native American populations like the Oglala Lakota Sioux are more susceptible to mental illnesses. Here are some facts regarding mental health and Native American communities gathered from the National Alliance on Mental Illness (NAMI). 

• Approximately 26% of American Indians/Alaska Natives live in poverty compared to 13% of the general population and 10% of Caucasian Americans.
• The American Indian and Alaska Native populations report higher rates of frequent distress than the general population.
• Alcohol abuse is a problem for a substantial portion of the American Indian adult population, but widely varies among different tribes.
• A study of Alaska Natives in a community health center found that substance abuse was the reason that 85% of men and 65% of women seek mental health treatment. 
• Native Alaskan males have had one of the highest documented suicide rates in the world. Suicide rates are particularly high among Native American males ages 15 - 24 who account for 64% of all suicides by American Indian/Alaska Native individuals.
• The words "depressed" and "anxious" are absent from some American Indian and Native Alaskan languages. Culturally different expressions of illness ("ghost sickness" or "heartbreak syndrome") do not easily correspond to Western psychiatric diagnosis criteria.
• In a Northern Plains study, 61% of children had experienced a traumatic event.
• Compared to the general population, American Indians and Alaska Natives tend to under-utilize mental health services, have a higher therapy dropout rates and are less likely to respond to treatment. This may derive from the fact that individuals tend to have negative opinions of non-Indian health providers and that traditional healing is used by a majority of Native Americans.
• Mental health services are available for the American Indian/Alaska Native communities, such as the services provided by the Indian Health Service (IHS), but they are in need of improvement. Currently only 7% of IHS' s budget is allocated for mental or behavioral health and substance abuse treatment services combined.

Citations:

Gone, J.P. (2004). Mental health services for Native Americans in the 21st century United States. American Psychological Association, Vol. 35, No.1, 10-18.

National Alliance on Mental Health: American Indian and Alaska Native Communities Mental Health Fact Sheet       http://www.nami.org/ContentManagement/ContentDisplay.cfm?ContentFileID=79888

Schwartz, S.M (2006). The arrogance of ignorance: hidden away, out of sight, out of mind. Regarding life, conditions and hope on the Oglala Lakota (Sioux) Reservation of SD. http://www.nativevillage.org/Messages%20from%20the%20People/the%20arrogance%20of%20ignorance.htm

Children's Mental Health: Some Statistics

•  Mental health problems affect 1 in 5 young people at any given moment (U.S. Department of Health & Human Services).

• An estimated 66% of all young people with mental health problems are not getting the help they need (U.S. Department of Health & Human Services).

• Estimates put the number of children with mental disorders between 7.7 million and 12.8 million (U.S. Department of Health & Human Services).

• Approximately, 1% of adolescent girls develop anorexia nervosa. One in ten cases leads to death due to starvation, cardiac arrest or suicide (National Institute of Mental Health).

• Studies suggest that children or adolescents are more likely to have an anxiety disorder if their parents have anxiety disorders (U.S. Department of Health & Human Services). 

• ADHD is the most common psychiatric condition affecting children. Estimates in childhood prevalence rates range from 5 - 10% (Clinical Pediatrics).

• Recent studies show that, at any given time, 1 in 33 children may have clinical depression. The rate of depression among adolescents may be as high as 1 in 8 (U.S. Department of Health & Human Services).

• Almost one-third of 6 to 12 year old children diagnosed with major depression will develop bipolar disorder within a few years (Journal of the American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry). 

• Of the 100,000 teenagers in juvenile detention, estimates indicate that 60% have behavioral, mental or emotional disorders (Department of Justice).

• Suicide is the third leading cause of death for 15 - 24 year olds and the sixth leading cause of death for 5 - 15 years olds (American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry). 

• In 1999, more teenagers and young people died as a result of suicide than cancer, heart disease, HIV/AIDS, birth defects, stroke and chronic lung disease combined (U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention).

• Between 500,000 and 1 million young people attempt suicide each year (American Association of Suicidology).

Taken from: Mental Health America

Poverty Matters: The Effects of Being Poor On Children

A recent national study revealed that 1 in 5 U.S. children lives in poverty which has largely been attributable to the recession and represents an increase of nearly 2.5 million children since 2000. Given the number and the scope of the negative effects associated with poverty, increasing poverty rates among U.S. children have the potential to inflict severe psychological, emotional and economic damage on the next generation of young people. This issue is particularly pertinent for me living in Lynn, MA, a city where nearly a quarter of children (under age 18) live below the poverty line; other cities in Massachusetts have as high as 42% of children living below the poverty line (Danzing & Bernier, 2008). In Chelsea, MA, 97.4% of children under age 18 live in a neighborhood 20% of more of population is living below the poverty line (Danzig & Bernier, 2008). Furthermore, the Massachusetts Citizens for Children found that on any given day 50,000 school aged children and youth as well as 50,000 younger children are homeless in Massachusetts (Danzig & Bernier, 2008); at the Whitney Elementary School in Las Vegas alone 85% of the 610 students are homeless (see here). Knowing the numbers is important, but what about the specific consequences of both short-term and persistent poverty? What are some of the far-reaching effects of childhood poverty?

Jeanne Brooks-Gunn and Greg Duncan published a study in 1997 detailing the toll that poverty can take on children. Specifically, Brooks-Gunn and Duncan (1997) found that poor children suffer higher incidences of adverse health, developmental, and other outcomes than non-poor children. In terms of physical health, poor children are 1.7 times more likely to be born with a low birth rate than non-poor children.  This is likely because poor pregnant women have less access to adequate nutrition and prenatal care; in Lynn, nearly 29% of pregnant women receive NO prenatal care within the first trimester (Torname, 2011). Low birth weight has been associated with an increased likelihood of cognitive and emotional problems that can persist through childhood and adolescence (Brooks-Gunn & Duncan, 1997). Learning disabilities, physical disabilities, and grade repetition as well as lower levels of math and reading achievement are also more prevalent among children who were low birth weight as infants (Brooks-Gunn & Duncan, 1997). This information is particularly disheartening given that in my hometown (Lynn, MA) 8.7% of children are born with a low birth rate (Torname, 2011). Additionally, poor children are only 66% as likely to be in excellent health and almost twice as likely to be in poor or fair health compared to non-poor children (Brooks-Gunn & Duncan, 1997). Poor children are also twice as likely to experience growth stunting (low height for age), spend almost 1.5 times as many days in bed, and have twice as many short-stay hospitalizations than non-poor children (Brooks-Gunn & Duncan, 1997). 

In terms of cognitive abilities, children living below the poverty line are more likely to experience learning disabilities and developmental delays (Brooks-Gunn & Duncan, 1997). One study found that poorer children scored between 6 and 13 points lower on various standardized tests of IQ, verbal ability, and achievement (Brooks-Gunn & Duncan, 1997). This difference between poor and non-poor children was still present even when controlling for maternal age, marital status, education and ethnicity. The 6- to 13-point difference on these types of measures, for some, could mean the difference between being placed in a special education class or not (Brooks-Gunn & Duncan, 1997). Findings suggest that the effects of poverty on children's cognitive development occur early, but also that the effects of long-term poverty were significantly greater than the effects of short-term poverty (Brooks-Gunn, 1997).  What is the reason for this? Poverty has been found to affect children's brain development as children growing up in poor families tend to experience unhealthy levels of stress hormones. Excessive levels of stress hormones disrupt the formation of synaptic connections between cells in the developing brain and affect its blood supply. The result is impaired language development and memory (Danzig & Bernier, 2008). 

Fortunately, a comprehensive review of the literature did find that the effect of poverty on the number of school years completed was small (Brooks-Gunn, 1997). The observed relationship between income and educational attainment seems to be related more so to confounding factors such as parental education, family structure, and neighborhood characteristics as opposed to just family income (Brooks-Gunn, 1997). Research does suggest, however, that family income averaged from birth to age 5 had a much more powerful effect on the number of school years a child completes than family income measured between ages 5 and 10 or between ages 11 and 15 (Brooks-Gunn, 1997). Specifically, for low income children a $10,000 increase in mean family income between birth and age 5 was associated with almost a full year increase in completed schooling (Brooks-Gunn, 1997). This same increase to family income later in childhood had no significant impact suggesting that income may only be a significant  primary factor in future education attainment during the earliest childhood years (Brooks-Gunn, 1997). In terms of other academic related outcomes, poor children were twice as likely to repeat a grade, be suspended or expelled and dropout of high school (Brooks-Gunn, 1997).

Poor children also suffer from emotional and behavioral problems more frequently than non-poor children exhibiting both more externalizing (aggression, fighting, and acting out) and internalizing behaviors (anxiety, social withdrawal, depression) than children who had never been poor (Brooks-Gunn, 1997). This may be due to the fact that poor children are almost 7 times more likely to experience child abuse or neglect and violent crime than non-poor children (Brooks-Gunn, 1997). Short-term poverty (being poor in at least 1 out of 4 years) was also associated with behavioral problems though the effects were smaller than what was found for those experiencing more persistent poverty (Brooks-Gunn, 1997). Still, parents in poor families were 1.3 times more likely to have a child who had an emotional or behavioral problem that lasted 3 or more months (Brooks-Gunn, 1997). Interestingly, persistent poverty was associated with more internalizing behaviors while current, but not persistent, poverty was associated with externalizing behaviors such as hyperactivity and peer conflict (Brooks-Gunn, 1997). 

So how and why does poverty have such a negative effect on children?

Health & Nutrition

- The cumulative health disadvantage experienced by poor children on health measures may account for as much as 13% to 20% of the difference in IQ between poor and non-poor children (Brooks-Gunn, 1997). 

-Malnutrition is associated with lower scores in tests of cognitive development (Brooks-Gunn, 1997).

-Growth stunting, which poor children are at an increased for, affects short-term memory. The effects of stunting on short-term memory is equivalent to the difference in short term memory between families that experienced poverty for 13 years and children in families with incomes at least 3 times the poverty level (Brooks-Gunn, 1997). 

Parental Interactions with Children

-Among adolescents, family economic pressure may lead to conflict with parents resulting in lower school grades, reduced emotional health, and impaired social relationships (Brooks-Gunn, 1997). 

-Other sources of conflict include economic uncertainty, unemployment or underemployment and unstable work conditions that ultimately impact the children (Brooks-Gunn, 1997). 

Parental Mental Health

-Parents who are poor are likely to be less healthy both emotionally and physically than those who are not poor (Brooks-Gunn, 1997). 

-Parental irritability and depressive symptoms are associated with conflictual interactions with adolescents, leading to less satisfactory emotional, social and cognitive development (Brooks-Gunn, 1997). 

-Poor parental mental health is associated with impaired parent-child interactions and less provision of learning experiences in the home (Brooks-Gunn, 1997). 

Neighborhood Conditions

-Low income may lead to residence in extremely poor neighborhoods characterized by social disorganization such as crime and few resources for child development such as playgrounds, day care and after school programs (Brooks-Gunn, 1997). 

-Poor children are twice as likely to report being scared to leave the house (Brooks-Gunn, 1997).

Other
-Other pathways through which poverty operates include a lack of access to and use of prenatal care, access to pediatric care, exposure to environmental toxins, household stability, quality of school attended and peer groups (Brooks-Gunn, 1997).

While poverty has the ability to negatively affect multiple aspects of both children and adults' lives, there are protective factors against a guaranteed life of misfortune. These include strong family support, religion, and positive peer relationships. Additionally, introducing learning experiences in the home has been found to aid in cognitive development and counteract poverty's influence on achievement outcomes. Unfortunately, not all children have parents or families that are willing or able to provide the necessary academic or emotional support to prevent negative outcomes. While some in the recent education reform debate may say that citing poverty is 'an excuse,' as the research here and elsewhere suggests, the effects of poverty on one's  overall emotional and physical well being and  future educational outcomes as well as on life’s trajectory in general are very real. 

Citations:

Brooks-Gunn, J. and Duncan, G.J. (1997). The effects of poverty on children. Children and Poverty, 55-71.

Danzig, B. and Bernier, J. (2008). Child poverty in Massachusetts: a tale of 2 states. Massachusetts Citizens for Children, 1-63.

Torname, J. (2011). Lynn: a little city with big potential. New Lynn Coalition Publication, 2-32.

The Burden of "Acting White": Fact or Fiction?

One of the most influential publications addressing the black-white achievement gap is the article "Black Students' School Success: Coping with the Burden of Acting White" written by Signithia Fordham and John Ogbu in 1986. In it, Fordham and Ogbu claimed that the “burden of acting white” is pervasive in the black community and this partly explains the underachievement of black students (Fordham & Ogbu, 1986). Among black students, the term "acting white" is most often used in reference to other black students who use language or ways of speaking, display attitudes, behaviors or preferences, or engage in activities considered to be more in line with white cultural norms (Tyson, Darity, & Castelllino, 2005). Though what constitutes acting white varies by region, social class, and age, some constant examples include listening to heavy metal or country music in addition to activities such as surfing. Most significantly, the term has been most used with respect to academic performance and success. One study, which used a focus group for its sample,  revealed the qualities most identified as "acting white" included 'being in honors or advanced placement classes' in addition to other items such as 'dressing clothes from the Gap or Abercrombie and Fitch.'  (Neal-Barrett, 2001). Fordham and Ogbu (1986) asserted that  the negative connotation associated with the term "acting white" was part of a larger oppositional peer culture constructed by black Americans in response to their history of enslavement and the persistent inequality they face. Furthermore, academic achievement was posited to not be valued because it is perceived as conforming to standard norms of success among white Americans and also because it is perceived to not pay off for African Americans the way that it does for other racial or ethnic groups (Fordham & Ogbu, 1986). As a result, African American students striving for success often have their cultural authenticity called into question and are accused of "acting white." The choice between representing an authentic (black) self and striving for academic success is what is purported to create the burden of acting white and contribute to the poor academic achievement among black students (Fordham & Ogbu, 1986).

Although Fordham and Ogbu's (1986) paper was published 25 years ago, there has been little empirical evidence to substantiate the paper's claims; still there is a strong public belief in its assertions (Tyson, Darity, & Castelllino, 2005).  Studies published since 1986 have discounted the oppositional culture hypothesis while others have found little empirical support for the related "burden of acting white" hypothesis. For example, Ainsworth & Downey (1998) found that blacks actually had more pro-school attitudes than white students. Similarly, Cook and Ludwig (1998) found no significant difference between black and white adolescents in the degree to which they valued academic achievement; this study also found that there were more social benefits than costs for African American students regarding high academic achievement. There are a few studies that have, however, found some evidence of an oppositional culture among black students. Neal-Barnett (2001) found that high-achieving black students are often charged with "acting white" and some respond by undermining their academic performance in order to affirm that they are an authentic member of their racial group. Thus, results are mixed in terms of being able to state definitively that poor academic achievement among African Americans is the result of not wanting to conform to white cultural norms though the literature as a whole indicates that there may be other more significant factors than this contributing to the achievement gap.

In their 2005 study, Tyson, Darity and Castellino (2005) sought to contribute to the debate about the burden of "acting white." Specifically, the study looked at more than one or two school environments (including eight North Carolina schools in its sample), a rarity in this line of research, in order to get a clearer sense of whether an oppositional culture truly exists. This study also looked to distinguish the burden of acting white from other, less racialized dilemmas of high achievement. Overall, Tyson, Darity and Castellino (2005) found an expressed desire among black students to do well academically. In terms of the decision to take an honors or advanced placement class, student responses centered on how they thought they would do in the class with consideration of whether they thought they were academically prepared, how willing they were to take on the workload, and whether they were likely to earn a good grade (Tyson, Darity & Castellino, 2005). A large percentage of students chose not to take advanced courses, but not specifically due to concerns about negative peer reactions to achievement related to race (Tyson, Darity, & Castellino, 2005). Interviews revealed that one student avoided advanced courses because she did not want to take on more school work while another student doubted his ability to master the material. An African American female in her last year of high school, said that black students "could fit in either [honors or regular classes] group, but I think they're more likely...in regular classes." When asked why, she says that, "Maybe they feel they can't do it...They wouldn't be able to make the grade in the class to pass (Tyson, Darity, & Castellino, 2005). So, contrary to the burden of acting white hypothesis, many of the African American students who avoided advanced classes did so for fear of not doing well academically (Tyson, Darity, & Castelllino, 2005). In terms of the motivation to not take honors classes, one must consider that all students, regardless of race, need to feel competent and that they work to preserve a positive self-concept (Tyson, Darity, & Castelllino, 2005).

The accusation of "acting white" may not be extremely prevalent but there are students have been accused of this to some degree. Two high-achieving black female students at rural Dalton High School in Mayodan, NC reported being accused of acting white by their black peers due to their academic achievements. One student in particular was called a "white girl" and an "Oreo" by her black classmates in middle school after being placed in advanced courses (Tyson, Darity, & Castelllino, 2005). The study also notes that, in some places, the underrepresentation of African Americans in honors and AP classes leaves them vulnerable to the perception that they are arrogant by their peers (Tyson, Darity, & Castelllino, 2005). One student stated: "The problem comes from society because it is ingrained in us that blacks must act, speak, dress a certain way and if you deviate from those expected norms your blackness is questioned” (Tyson, Darity, & Castelllino, 2005). Other students reported that "acting white" was again associated with non-academic related behaviors such as skateboarding or surfing. Overall, a burden of "acting white" was found to not be as pervasive in African American peer groups as Fordham and Ogbu (1986) would have one to believe. Black students were found to be teased for being smart, but such teasing was not found to be racialized (i.e. specifically linked to cultural identity); instead, it was found to be no different from the typical teasing that other high-achieving students experience. While the some students like the one called an "Oreo" were hurt by teasing, others found the teasing to be harmless and most downplayed its importance (Tyson, Darity, & Castelllino, 2005).

Because the allegation of "acting white" overall did not deter students from enrolling in advanced courses, this study found little evidence that this was the primary reason that African American students tend to do poorly in school (Tyson, Darity, & Castelllino, 2005). Additionally, reports from both African American and white students suggest that the burden of high achievement based on either race or social class may be a common experience in schools in which high-status groups are perceived to be privileged; as a result of their privilege, students in advanced courses may direct hostility toward them. Therefore, when African American students have oppositional attitudes, this orientation may not be the result of having been born black, but may be connected to everyday experiences of inequality in placement and achievement. In this same study, a similar process was found among low-status white students as class distinctions provided a way for them to understand their relative under-achievement while maintaining a positive self-concept. For blacks, academic achievement can become another characteristic delineating the "boundaries of whiteness" while for low-income white students, it can be a marker of social class (the "haves" versus the "have nots") (Tyson, Darity, & Castelllino, 2005). Thus, most problematic for both blacks and low income whites was the perception that the low-status student was attempting to assume the characteristic of the "other" specifically taking on an air of superiority (Tyson, Darity, & Castelllino, 2005).The actual burden may therefore be more related to high achievement in general as opposed to "acting white." Associating high academic achievement with 'whiteness' may simply be the form that this burden takes in the African American community, making it more an element of a larger issue than an entirely race specific phenomenon.

More research needs to be conducted in to learn more about what role the burden of "acting white" may play in the achievement gap. The study by Tyson, Darity and Castellino (2005), however, reveals the burden may actually be related to actual composition of the advanced courses and how placement is such classes may create divisions and, as a result, animosities at the group level. It is still yet to be determined whether the actual burden of acting white as "real phenomena" is fact or fiction, but preliminary findings indicate that poor academic achievement is a complex, multi-faceted issue.

References:

Ainsworth-Darnell, J.W. and Downey, D.B. (1998). Assessing the oppositional culture explanation for racial/ethnic differences in school performance. American Sociological Review 63:536-53.

Fordham, A. and Ogbu, J.U. (1986). Black students’ school success: coping with the ‘burden of acting white. The Urban Review 18:176-206.

 Cook, Philip J. and Jens Ludwig. (1998). The burden of acting white: do black adolescents disparage academic achievement. Pp. 275-400 in The Black-White Test Score Gap, edited by Christopher Jencks and Meredith Phillips. Washington, D.C: Brookings Institute Press.

 Neal-Barnett, A. (2001). Being black: new thoughts on the old phenomenon of acting white.” Pp. 75-87 in Forging Links: African American Children: Clinical Developmental Perspectives edited by A. Neal-Barrett, J.M Contreras and K.A. Kerns. Westport, CT: Praeger.

Tyson, K., Darity, W., & Castellino, D.  R. (2005). It’s not “a black thing”: understanding the burden of acting white and other dilemmas of high achievement. American Sociological Review, 582-605.

The Importance of Teacher Relatedness

Research indicates that for students faced with difficulties or challenges in the academic setting, a sense of relatedness to someone within the school can serve as a motivator to remain engaged in the learning process (Furrer & Skinner, 2003). The term 'relatedness' can come to mean many things. Furrer and Skinner (2003) found that an adolescent’s feelings of teacher support predicted the value he or she placed on achievement as well as engagement and effort (Furrer & Skinner, 2003). Additionally, feeling important to key figures in the academic setting, most notably teachers, was found  to elicit positive behaviors such as persistence and participation and dampen negative behaviors such as anxiety (Furrer & Skinner, 2003).

'Relatedness' can also mean the ability to identity with a person based on a common racial, ethnic or cultural background, socioeconomic status or gender. Furrer and Skinner (2003) found that males, regardless of ethnic group, general feel a lower sense of relatedness to teachers than females. This is likely due in part to the fact that the majority of teachers are female. A report by the Pew Hispanic Center entitled "Latinos and Education: Explaining the Attainment Gap" (2009) found that Latinos consider a lack in teacher relatedness a main contributor to the poor academic achievement and educational attainment of their ethnic group; relatedness in this report was conceptualized as more in line with the second definition presented here. Among Latino adults age 26 and older, 47% stated that the different cultural backgrounds of Hispanic students and their teachers is a major reason that Hispanic students do not do as well as other students in school. The result was nearly identical for Latinos ages 16 -25 as 44% stated that a mismatch between student and teacher background was a significant factor in poor achievement. Thus, while, 62% of Latino youth strongly agree that the teachers in their high school are working or worked to help them succeed, relatedness was still a factor pinpointed by Latinos when discussing academic achievement.

Why is this important?

U.S. demographics are changing such that a substantial number of classroom are made up of mostly minority students. The Census reports that 92% of U.S. population growth over the last decade came from minorities of all types including those who identified as mixed race.; the Hispanic population alone grew by 43% during this time period. Despite this, teaching remains a white, female dominated field. In the Los Angeles Unified School district for example, 72% of the students are Latino, while only 32% of the teachers are Latino. U.S. Secretary of Education Arne Duncan has specifically launched the TEACH program to attempt to diversify the teaching population.

Below is data taken from 4 diverse Massachusetts cities (all numbers are in percentages). Note the differences between the student and teacher populations.

Lynn
	Students	Teachers
African American	12.4	1.9
Asian	9.9	0.9
Hispanic	49.4	6.4
Native American	0	0
White	24.5	90.1
Other	3.3	0.7
Female	47.9	78
Male	52.1	22

Brockton
	Students	Teachers
African American	52	7.5
Asian	2.6	0.8
Hispanic	14.4	3.9
Native American	0.5	0.1
White	27	86.1
Other	3.5	1.4
Female	51.3	80.9
Male	48.7	19.1

Holyoke
	Students	Teachers
African American	3.4	1
Asian	0.9	0
Hispanic	77.2	24.8
Native American	0	0.1
White	18.2	73.5
Other	0.2	0.6
Female	48.1	80.7
Male	51.9	19.3

Boston
	Students	Teachers
African American	35.5	28.6
Asian	8.4	4.7
Hispanic	40.9	12
Native American	0.4	0.2
White	12.9	54.4
Other	1.9	0
Female	48.1	74.9
Male	51.9	25.1

While student achievement is not wholly dependent on a teacher's gender or race (or 'effectiveness' for that matter), diversifying the teaching population may be integral to keeping students engaged in school and therefore should be a high priority.

*All data taken from: www.doe.mass.edu

Other References:

Furrer, C., & Skinner, E. (2003). Sense of relatedness as a factor in children’s academic engagement and performance. Journal of Educational Psychology, 95, 148-162.

Lopez, M.H. (2009). Latinos and Education: Explaining the Attainment Gap. Pew Hispanic Center, 1-34.

Suicide Linked with Birth Season?

An interesting 2006 study by Emad Salib and Mario Cortina-Borja examined the potential link between suicide and season of birth. Previous studies have revealed seasonal birth trends for such diseases as lymphoblastic leukemia, early onset non-Hodgkin's lymphoma, breast cancer and Crohn's disease among others. In terms of mental illness, one study found that more patients with Alzheimer's and schizophrenia were born in December and January whereas affective disorders, alcoholism, autism, and dyslexia are more frequently reported in those born in spring or summer months (Salib & Cortino-Borja, 2006). For this reason and because few studies have looked at suicide and birth season, Salib and Cortino-Borja sought to examine the possible link between the two phenomenon. Some studies have identified July as a particular month linked with suicide while other studies say winter has ties to an increased risk for suicide (Salib & Cortino-Borja, 2006).

Sample

In this study, the researcher used routinely collected suicide data over a 22-year period in England and Wales. This particular research exceeded previous attempts to examine the same question as its sample size was substantially greater with 27,000 suicides included from over 11 million births. 

Hypothesis

Salib and Cortino-Borja (2006) hypothesized that the risk of suicide would vary according to month of birth and that the association would remain even after controlling for the effects of the total number of births per month in the population. They also predicted that there would be a difference in birth month when specifically looking at suicide by gender and method (violent vs. non-violent). An example of a violent method of suicide would be a gunshot wound while non-violent suicide could be an overdose.

Results/Conclusion

According to the result of this study, there is a 17% increase of suicide for people born in the spring and early summer compared to those born in autumn; this number is greater for women than for men. When split by gender, men born in late spring were at increased risk of suicide while the same was true for women born in midsummer. For suicides by men, the monthly birth rate peaks were in spring for violent methods and summer for non-violent methods. For women, the peaks were in late spring for both methods (Salib & Cortino-Borja, 2006). The researchers' hypotheses regarding the link between seasonality and suicide were confirmed.

The authors concluded that this line of research is important as the etiology of suicide is multifaceted; all aspects of this phenomenon should therefore be studied in order to conceptualize the life trajectory of someone likely to commit suicide better. Seasonality as it relates to suicide has been explained by weather conditions and their effect on the central nervous system. Despite these findings, one cannot say for certain that birth month is related to suicidal tendencies (or alcoholism or autism)., because the issue is so complex . This study in particular was limited as it did not consider co-morbid psychiatric illnesses,  religion, race/ethnicity, and socioeconomic status. The subset of people for which the link between seasonality and suicide holds true may be even smaller that what Salib and Cortino-Borja (2006) found. Still, it is interesting to note the varying formulations used to explain a very tragic occurrence.

Citation:

Salib, E. & Cortino-Borja, M. (2006). Effect of month of birth on the risk of suicide. British Journal of Psychiatry, 188, 416-422.

The Gap Between College Bound Identities & School Focused Behavior

http://www.wcas.northwestern.edu/psych/people/faculty/faculty_individual_pages/documents/destin/Destin%20&%20Oyserman%20in%20press.pdf

A 2010 study written by psychologists Mesmin Destin and Daphna Oyserman at the University of Michigan  found that while most students plan to attend at least a 2 year university, the goal of attending college does not necessarily lead to increased school focused behavior (i.e. completing homework, studying more). This finding refutes the logical assumption that because one has a specific goal in mind, that he or she would complete associated tasks in order to achieve said goal. In this case, one would assume that a student who wants to attend college would study more and complete homework in an effort to earn the best grades possible and gain acceptance to college. This study by Destin and Oyserman (2010), however, found that there is not always a link between one's stated goals and actual behaviors.   

In the first study, increased school focused behaviors were largely associated with having a career goal that was school dependent. In other words, students who wanted to become doctors, lawyers or teachers (careers that require advanced degrees) invested more time in homework and received better grades over time than students whose career aspirations were education independent (Destin & Oyserman, 2010). Education independent career goals included athlete, actor and musician. Thus, while 88.8% of the students sampled expected to attend college, less than half (46%) had an education dependent identity and engaged in increased school focused behavior.

For the second study which sought to establish causality, Destin and Oyserman (2010) completed a randomized trial in order to see how education dependent versus education independent identities affected planned and actual academic effort in a real world context. When students were shown a graph relating median salaries to level of educational attainment, they planned to invest more time in school and were eight times more likely to complete an extra credit assignment. Conversely, students who were shown information comparing the median salaries of "regular" citizens against those of the most popular actors, athletes and musicians planned to invest less time in homework and were less likely to complete extra credit work. The researchers concluded that students are more likely to engage in current school focused effort when adult wage-earning identities feel education dependent (i.e."who I want to be is dependent on how well I do in school") (Destin & Oyserman, 2010). For these students a link is drawn between adult identities and current effort. Destin and Oyserman's study (2010) indicates that a student failing to see the connection between adult identities and current action puts him or her at risk for low school focused effort. More importantly, this study indicate that simply saying that one wants to attend college is not enough to propel him or her to exert the amount of effort needed to achieve this goal; the student also needs to understand how current effort is associated with that goal in order to produce the required school focused behaviors.

For parents, teachers and others who work with young people on a daily basis, this important study reveals the connections that sometimes need to be pointed out to young people in order for them to see how current effort is related to their future goals. Reiterating the importance of higher education may not be enough to ensure that specific groups of students reach that plateau.

**Destin, M. and Oyserman, D. (2010). Incentivizing education: seeing schoolwork as an investment, not a chore. Journal of Experimental Psychology